Author: benjaminselwyn

World Development under Monopoly Capitalism

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Photo: do bicycles come from? Source: WDR2020, Figure 1.1, pp. 16.

One of the main effects (I will not say purposes) of orthodox traditional economics was鈥 plan for explaining to the privileged class that their position was morally right and was necessary for the welfare of society.

鈥擩oan Robinson1

The recent period of globalization鈥攆ollowing the collapse of the Eastern bloc and the reintegration of China into the world economy鈥攊s one where global value chains have become the dominant organizational form of capitalism. From low to high tech, basic consumer goods to heavy capital equipment, food to services, goods are now produced across many countries, integrated through global value chains. According to the International Labour Organization, between 1995 and 2013 the number of people employed in global value chains rose from 296 to 453 million, amounting to one in five jobs in the global economy.2 We are living in a global value chain world.3

The big question is whether this global value chain world is contributing to, or detracting from, real human development. Is it establishing a more equal, less exploitative, less poverty-ridden world? Which political economic frameworks are best placed to illuminate and explain the workings of this world?

Recent critical scholarship has applied monopoly capital concepts and categories to the analysis of global value chains. John Bellamy Foster and others have illuminated how global value chains represent the latest form of monopoly capital on a world scale.4 John Smith shows how surplus-value transfer and capture鈥攆rom workers in poorer countries to lead firms in northern countries鈥攊s portrayed by mainstream economists as 鈥渧alue added鈥� by those firms.5 Intan Suwandi analyzes how global value chains are enabled by, and also intensify, differential rates of worldwide labor exploitation.6

Mainstream advocates of global value chain-based development tend to ignore such critical analyses, and continue to preach the benefits of global value chain integration by drawing on examples and data that support their claims. However, it says much about the anti-developmental dynamics generated by global value chains when a World Bank report advocating global value chain-based development actually provides data that supports the analyses of the aforementioned critical authors.

Here, we interrogate the data used and the claims made in the World Bank鈥檚聽World Development Report 2020, titled聽Trading for Development in the Age of Global Value Chains聽(WDR2020, or 鈥渢he report鈥�).7聽While the report portrays global value chains as contributing to poor countries鈥� development through job creation, poverty alleviation, and economic growth, we reveal how its data shows the opposite.8

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The Struggle for Development

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This post is adapted from the preface for the newly published of The Struggle for Development, . The original edition aimed to root development thinking and practice in the analysis of class relations, and intellectual and political support for labouring class struggles. Turkey is experiencing numerous social struggles that illuminate the relevance of the arguments in this book. It is my hope that this book contributes to illuminating the social, developmental, value of these struggles.

Collective struggles by labouring class communities 鈥� in and beyond the workplace 鈥� have the capacity to generate real human developmental gains for these communities. Consequently, these struggles and the labouring classes that pursue them, should be considered as developmental.  

The majority of development thinking across the political spectrum 鈥� whether theoretically or policy focussed 鈥� tends to downplay labouring classes, their struggles and the gains they generate.  Rather, such struggles are usually ignored or are portrayed as obstacles to development, because they do not adhere to dominant capitalist notions of development. 

Capitalist notions and strategies of development take many forms, and can be thought of as existing along a spectrum 鈥� from more market-led/neoliberal, to more state-directed forms. In this book I argue that, despite notable differences, these forms of development represent varieties of capital-centred development. Here capital accumulation is prioritised as the basis of economic and human development. As I show in this book, both market led and state led forms of development are based upon the assumption that labouring classes represent an objective input into the development process, rather than a subjective agent of development. This assumption legitimates labour exploitation and repression for the greater 鈥榞ood鈥� of capital accumulation.  

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Understanding development in a Global Value Chain World: Comparative Advantage or Monopoly Capital Theory?

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By Benjamin Selwyn and

The recent period of globalisation 鈥� following the collapse of the Eastern bloc and the integration of China into the world economy 鈥� is in essence the period of global value chains (GVCs). From low to high-tech, basic consumer goods to heavy capital equipment, food to services, goods are now produced across many countries, integrated through GVCs.

The big question in development studies is whether this globalised reconfiguration of production is contributing to, or detracting from, real human development? Is it establishing a more equal, less exploitative, less poverty-ridden world? To understand these complex dynamics, scholars rely on economic theories. These theories must be relevant to the GVC-world and equipped to tackle these pertinent questions.

In 2020 the World Bank published its World Development Report (WDR2020, or 鈥榯he Report鈥�) to address these questions. It confidently proclaimed that 鈥楪VCs boost incomes, create better jobs and reduce poverty鈥� (: 3). Given the World Bank鈥檚 promotion of neoliberal globalisation, this conclusion is unsurprising.

However, before accepting the Report鈥檚 claims at face value, we should reflect on the findings of Robert Wade (: 220). These annual World Bank reports serve as “both a research-based document and a political document鈥�. the Bank鈥檚 flagship message must reflect back the ideological preference of key constituencies and not offend them too much, but the message must also be backed by empirical evidence and made to look technical”.

When globalisation is booming it may be possible for the report鈥檚 liberal bias to appear to complement its data. However, the GVC world has generated such inequalities that the dissonance between the report鈥檚 liberal bias and its own data is stretched to breaking point.

Drawing on our , this blog post uses the Report鈥檚 own data to undermine its core claims. It shows that the GVC world enhances the dominance of transnational corporations (TNCs), concentrates wealth, represses the incomes of supplier firms in developing countries, and creates many bad jobs 鈥� with deleterious outcomes for workers.

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