
Following the 2016 failed coup attempt, and in the context of increasing mistrust towards the West, Turkey鈥檚 president Erdogan reflected his discontent with the EU and argued that , namely the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) led primarily by China and Russia. Soon after, despite being a NATO member, to buy the S-400 air defence missile system. Taken together with Turkey鈥檚 other 鈥榓dventures鈥 in its region, these developments were perceived as manifestations of a changing political economy of Turkey, and were deeply disturbing to Western powers. After all, since the end of the Second World War, Turkey had been a close ally of the US-led Western capitalist bloc, it continued to be one during the Cold War; and had remained very close to US and EU interests following the end of the Cold War in 1991.
For some accounts[i], these developments are related to the changing world order and global power shifts following the 2008 crisis, as the decline of the 鈥榣iberal international order鈥 and the rise of BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) marked transformations of the global political economy. Hence, there is a tendency to explain Turkey鈥檚 late political economy in this context. It is argued that, in this 鈥榩ost-liberal international order鈥 where two competing political economies come to the fore, Turkey is moving towards the 鈥楨ast鈥 or 鈥榥on-West鈥 – mainly China and Russia. As such, Turkey鈥檚 engagement with non-Western 鈥榞reat powers鈥 (which are generally characterised by 鈥榓uthoritarian state capitalism鈥 as opposed to the 鈥榥eoliberal political economy鈥/liberal democracy/鈥檇emocratic capitalism鈥 of the West), shapes Turkey鈥檚 political economy and paves the way for 鈥榓uthoritarianism鈥, 鈥榠lliberal democracy鈥 and 鈥榮tate capitalism鈥. Put differently, as the legitimacy crisis of 鈥榃estern neoliberalism鈥 makes it less desirable for countries like Turkey, Turkey is regarded to have deviated from neoliberalism and liberal democracy and moved to state capitalism and authoritarianism.
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